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Many physicians recommend EKGs as a preventative-screening tool for those with a family history of heart disease. While a healthy person does not need an EKG as a part of an annual exam, many physicians will recommend an EKG if they have concerns. If a patient complains of chest pain, palpitations or other indicators of heart problems, the physician will likely recommend an immediate EKG test. Depending on the severity of the situation, your doctor may refer you to a local testing center immediately or ask you to schedule the next available appointment. An abnormal EKG is determined by comparing the results of your EKG graph with a standard or normal heart graph. Spikes and dips within the graph are referred to as P, QR and PR and other similar acronyms. Normal EKG readings show a slight flat-dip in between contractions and relaxations. If these flat-dips are not present, it may be an indication of a more serious problem. Normal EKG readings will have spikes and dips too. Myocardial defects, heart valve disease, enlargement of the heart, inflammation of the heart, coronary artery disease, and past, pending or impending heart attacks are only a few of the problems that EKG’s can help to detect. The conditions in which the EKG is performed can also have an impact on the accuracy of the results. Some heart problems are not present all of the time and therefore may not appear in EKG results. In cases where heart problems are suspected but not detected on the EKG, a Holter monitor may be recommended. This monitor is worn, usually for a period of 24 to 48 hours and serves as a type of mini-EKG test. The patient wears the monitor at home and it continuously records heart activity. Doctors also recommend that the patient be relaxed during the exam because any muscle trembling or contractions can alter the results and produce an inaccurate reading. Many people are surprised to learn that they have had an abnormal EKG reading. What is even more surprising is that when presented with abnormal EKG results, some doctors do not seem concerned. It doe not necessarily mean they are inadequate or uncaring physicians, it is more likely they believe something else has caused the abnormal reading. Most will want to pursue further testing or another EKG. Sometimes an event as simple as low blood sugar can have an altering affect and produce false EKG readings. Other times, abnormal EKGs require further testing to determine what, if any, problems actually exist. manual penis enargement easy enlargement free pennis surgery way free penis enargement technique pnis enlargement before and after picture penis enargement doctor penis enlargment tool manual penis enlargement exercise penile enlargment surgery photo do penile enlargment pills really work
It has been found that almost every man over the age of 60 will develop one of the numerous conditions associated with the prostate gland. Many of these conditions tend to exhibit only mild symptoms until they are well developed. This means that if you are affected, you may not even realise that you have a problem. One of such conditions is known as Prostate hyperplasia, also known as Benign Prostate Hyperplasia (BPH). Although it is not cancerous, it can cause the same prostate symptoms as prostate cancer. Prostate hyperplasia is present in about 90% of men over the age of 80. However, unless it causes the prostate gland to become grossly enlarged the symptoms are relatively mild and attributed to the rigors of old age. The cause of prostate hyperplasia is not accurately known. Many researchers and oncologists believe that it is a hormone related condition. The male hormone testosterone is converted to a secondary hormone called dihydrotestosterone naturally in the body and when this secondary hormone binds with specific receptors in the tissues of the prostate gland, cellular growth and division becomes over-stimulated. Thus the prostate gland becomes enlarged so producing prostate hyperplasia. Certain families of drugs can be used to reduce the amount of testosterone in the body or to stop the available testosterone from binding with the receptors in the prostate gland. This acts to stop prostate hyperplasia from developing further and may even reduce the size of the prostate gland over time. Unfortunately drug therapy for prostate hyperplasia is an ongoing therapy and if diagnosed with the condition you will be required to take drugs daily for the rest of your life. Prostate hyperplasia symptoms are very similar to those of prostate cancer. Do take action if you notice the following: * Difficulty urinating * Urinary leakage * Pain when urinating * A feeling of urgency to urinate * Increased night time urination * Any other problems associated with urinating As mentioned above prostate hyperplasia is usually easily controlled and treated with simple drug regimes. But if the symptoms are due to cancer, then surgery may be required. Still you should not imagine the worst. A diagnosis of prostate hyperplasia does not necessarily mean that you are going to have prostate cancer. Admittedly some cases of prostate hyperplasia do progress and become cancerous. However, with early and continued treatment, the condition can be effectively controlled and enlargement of the prostate gland reduced. do penis enlargement pill really work penile enlargment pump compare penis enlarement pills penis enlargement fact penis enlargment tool penis enlargement surgeries vigrx store penis enargement program do penile enlargment pills really work
It’s a milestone in your child’s life…learning how to use the potty. Many parents find both a joy and sorrow in this stage that is a rite of passage for their child from being a baby to being a big boy or girl. For parents trying to toilet train, it can test your patience. However, using the potty is complex for small children, so mom and dad shouldn’t panic if baby doesn’t potty train right away. The best way to approach potty training is to take it one step at a time and to be patient. The first step is to get both you and your toddler ready. Observe little one for the “about to go” signals such as squatting, retreating to a quiet area or verbalization. Other signals that show a parent a toddler is ready are: verbal communication of things like hunger, child understands simple sentences, doesn’t like being soiled, stays dry longer. One way you can help your baby from birth for this time is to change all dirty diapers quickly. This way, they never have a chance to be used to the soiled feeling. Once your sure your toddler is ready, prepare yourself by getting the proper equipment. This includes but is not limited to: potty training chair, training pants, training diapers, other potty training aids. You must also prepare to be patient…don’t expect miracles overnight. Once you’re both ready, start by teaching the essentials. First, teach them where to go. A good way to get your toddler involved is to let him or her pick their own potty chair. This ensures that they will be comfortable with potty training on the chair. Next, you want to make sure you’re teaching the correct vocabulary. It’s best to use words like “penis” and “vagina” to prevent confusion in later life. However, it’s okay to use words like “pee-pee” and “poo-poo” rather than “urination” and “defecation”. The main challenge consists of teaching them the connection between feeling the urge and going and after going, telling mommy or daddy. You could do this by waiting for them to show the telltale signs of eliminating and taking them straight to the potty training chair. TV’s “Dr. Phil” suggests illustrating with a doll that uses the bathroom. Having this visual aid can help a great deal. Once they begin to make progress, move them from diapers to training pants. Above all, be patient and relax. Some day you’ll look back on this time and miss it. penis enlagement surgery picture penis enhancement result penis enhancement testimonials compare penile enlargement pills plastic surgery penis enlargement manual penis enlargement exercise penis enhancement drug penis enlagement stretcher do penile enlargment pills really work
Alan Pease, author of a book titled "Why Men Don't Listen and Women Can't Read Maps", believes that women are spatially-challenged compared to men. The British firm, Admiral Insurance, conducted a study of half a million claims. They found that "women were almost twice as likely as men to have a collision in a car park, 23 percent more likely to hit a stationary car, and 15 percent more likely to reverse into another vehicle" (Reuters). Yet gender "differences" are often the outcomes of bad scholarship. Consider Admiral insurance's data. As Britain's Automobile Association (AA) correctly pointed out - women drivers tend to make more short journeys around towns and shopping centers and these involve frequent parking. Hence their ubiquity in certain kinds of claims. Regarding women's alleged spatial deficiency, in Britain, girls have been outperforming boys in scholastic aptitude tests - including geometry and maths - since 1988. On the other wing of the divide, Anthony Clare, a British psychiatrist and author of "On Men" wrote: "At the beginning of the 21st century it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that men are in serious trouble. Throughout the world, developed and developing, antisocial behavior is essentially male. Violence, sexual abuse of children, illicit drug use, alcohol misuse, gambling, all are overwhelmingly male activities. The courts and prisons bulge with men. When it comes to aggression, delinquent behavior, risk taking and social mayhem, men win gold." Men also mature later, die earlier, are more susceptible to infections and most types of cancer, are more likely to be dyslexic, to suffer from a host of mental health disorders, such as Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), and to commit suicide. In her book, "Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man", Susan Faludi describes a crisis of masculinity following the breakdown of manhood models and work and family structures in the last five decades. In the film "Boys don't Cry", a teenage girl binds her breasts and acts the male in a caricatural relish of stereotypes of virility. Being a man is merely a state of mind, the movie implies. But what does it really mean to be a "male" or a "female"? Are gender identity and sexual preferences genetically determined? Can they be reduced to one's sex? Or are they amalgams of biological, social, and psychological factors in constant interaction? Are they immutable lifelong features or dynamically evolving frames of self-reference? Certain traits attributed to one's sex are surely better accounted for by cultural factors, the process of socialization, gender roles, and what George Devereux called "ethnopsychiatry" in "Basic Problems of Ethnopsychiatry" (University of Chicago Press, 1980). He suggested to divide the unconscious into the id (the part that was always instinctual and unconscious) and the "ethnic unconscious" (repressed material that was once conscious). The latter is mostly molded by prevailing cultural mores and includes all our defense mechanisms and most of the superego. So, how can we tell whether our sexual role is mostly in our blood or in our brains? The scrutiny of borderline cases of human sexuality - notably the transgendered or intersexed - can yield clues as to the distribution and relative weights of biological, social, and psychological determinants of gender identity formation. The results of a study conducted by Uwe Hartmann, Hinnerk Becker, and Claudia Rueffer-Hesse in 1997 and titled "Self and Gender: Narcissistic Pathology and Personality Factors in Gender Dysphoric Patients", published in the "International Journal of Transgenderism", "indicate significant psychopathological aspects and narcissistic dysregulation in a substantial proportion of patients." Are these "psychopathological aspects" merely reactions to underlying physiological realities and changes? Could social ostracism and labeling have induced them in the "patients"? The authors conclude: "The cumulative evidence of our study ... is consistent with the view that gender dysphoria is a disorder of the sense of self as has been proposed by Beitel (1985) or Pfäfflin (1993). The central problem in our patients is about identity and the self in general and the transsexual wish seems to be an attempt at reassuring and stabilizing the self-coherence which in turn can lead to a further destabilization if the self is already too fragile. In this view the body is instrumentalized to create a sense of identity and the splitting symbolized in the hiatus between the rejected body-self and other parts of the self is more between good and bad objects than between masculine and feminine." Freud, Kraft-Ebbing, and Fliess suggested that we are all bisexual to a certain degree. As early as 1910, Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld argued, in Berlin, that absolute genders are "abstractions, invented extremes". The consensus today is that one's sexuality is, mostly, a psychological construct which reflects gender role orientation. Joanne Meyerowitz, a professor of history at Indiana University and the editor of The Journal of American History observes, in her recently published tome, "How Sex Changed: A History of Transsexuality in the United States", that the very meaning of masculinity and femininity is in constant flux. Transgender activists, says Meyerowitz, insist that gender and sexuality represent "distinct analytical categories". The New York Times wrote in its review of the book: "Some male-to-female transsexuals have sex with men and call themselves homosexuals. Some female-to-male transsexuals have sex with women and call themselves lesbians. Some transsexuals call themselves asexual." So, it is all in the mind, you see. This would be taking it too far. A large body of scientific evidence points to the genetic and biological underpinnings of sexual behavior and preferences. The German science magazine, "Geo", reported recently that the males of the fruit fly "drosophila melanogaster" switched from heterosexuality to homosexuality as the temperature in the lab was increased from 19 to 30 degrees Celsius. They reverted to chasing females as it was lowered. The brain structures of homosexual sheep are different to those of straight sheep, a study conducted recently by the Oregon Health & Science University and the U.S. Department of Agriculture Sheep Experiment Station in Dubois, Idaho, revealed. Similar differences were found between gay men and straight ones in 1995 in Holland and elsewhere. The preoptic area of the hypothalamus was larger in heterosexual men than in both homosexual men and straight women. According an article, titled "When Sexual Development Goes Awry", by Suzanne Miller, published in the September 2000 issue of the "World and I", various medical conditions give rise to sexual ambiguity. Congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), involving excessive androgen production by the adrenal cortex, results in mixed genitalia. A person with the complete androgen insensitivity syndrome (AIS) has a vagina, external female genitalia and functioning, androgen-producing, testes - but no uterus or fallopian tubes. People with the rare 5-alpha reductase deficiency syndrome are born with ambiguous genitalia. They appear at first to be girls. At puberty, such a person develops testicles and his clitoris swells and becomes a penis. Hermaphrodites possess both ovaries and testicles (both, in most cases, rather undeveloped). Sometimes the ovaries and testicles are combined into a chimera called ovotestis. Most of these individuals have the chromosomal composition of a woman together with traces of the Y, male, chromosome. All hermaphrodites have a sizable penis, though rarely generate sperm. Some hermaphrodites develop breasts during puberty and menstruate. Very few even get pregnant and give birth. Anne Fausto-Sterling, a developmental geneticist, professor of medical science at Brown University, and author of "Sexing the Body", postulated, in 1993, a continuum of 5 sexes to supplant the current dimorphism: males, merms (male pseudohermaphrodites), herms (true hermaphrodites), ferms (female pseudohermaphrodites), and females. Intersexuality (hermpahroditism) is a natural human state. We are all conceived with the potential to develop into either sex. The embryonic developmental default is female. A series of triggers during the first weeks of pregnancy places the fetus on the path to maleness. In rare cases, some women have a male's genetic makeup (XY chromosomes) and vice versa. But, in the vast majority of cases, one of the sexes is clearly selected. Relics of the stifled sex remain, though. Women have the clitoris as a kind of symbolic penis. Men have breasts (mammary glands) and nipples. The Encyclopedia Britannica 2003 edition describes the formation of ovaries and testes thus: "In the young embryo a pair of gonads develop that are indifferent or neutral, showing no indication whether they are destined to develop into testes or ovaries. There are also two different duct systems, one of which can develop into the female system of oviducts and related apparatus and the other into the male sperm duct system. As development of the embryo proceeds, either the male or the female reproductive tissue differentiates in the originally neutral gonad of the mammal." Yet, sexual preferences, genitalia and even secondary sex characteristics, such as facial and pubic hair are first order phenomena. Can genetics and biology account for male and female behavior patterns and social interactions ("gender identity")? Can the multi-tiered complexity and richness of human masculinity and femininity arise from simpler, deterministic, building blocks? Sociobiologists would have us think so. For instance: the fact that we are mammals is astonishingly often overlooked. Most mammalian families are composed of mother and offspring. Males are peripatetic absentees. Arguably, high rates of divorce and birth out of wedlock coupled with rising promiscuity merely reinstate this natural "default mode", observes Lionel Tiger, a professor of anthropology at Rutgers University in New Jersey. That three quarters of all divorces are initiated by women tends to support this view. Furthermore, gender identity is determined during gestation, claim some scholars. Milton Diamond of the University of Hawaii and Dr. Keith Sigmundson, a practicing psychiatrist, studied the much-celebrated John/Joan case. An accidentally castrated normal male was surgically modified to look female, and raised as a girl but to no avail. He reverted to being a male at puberty. His gender identity seems to have been inborn (assuming he was not subjected to conflicting cues from his human environment). The case is extensively described in John Colapinto's tome "As Nature Made Him: The Boy Who Was Raised as a Girl". HealthScoutNews cited a study published in the November 2002 issue of "Child Development". The researchers, from City University of London, found that the level of maternal testosterone during pregnancy affects the behavior of neonatal girls and renders it more masculine. "High testosterone" girls "enjoy activities typically considered male behavior, like playing with trucks or guns". Boys' behavior remains unaltered, according to the study. Yet, other scholars, like John Money, insist that newborns are a "blank slate" as far as their gender identity is concerned. This is also the prevailing view. Gender and sex-role identities, we are taught, are fully formed in a process of socialization which ends by the third year of life. The Encyclopedia Britannica 2003 edition sums it up thus: "Like an individual's concept of his or her sex role, gender identity develops by means of parental example, social reinforcement, and language. Parents teach sex-appropriate behavior to their children from an early age, and this behavior is reinforced as the child grows older and enters a wider social world. As the child acquires language, he also learns very early the distinction between "he" and "she" and understands which pertains to him- or herself." So, which is it - nature or nurture? There is no disputing the fact that our sexual physiology and, in all probability, our sexual preferences are determined in the womb. Men and women are different - physiologically and, as a result, also psychologically. Society, through its agents - foremost amongst which are family, peers, and teachers - represses or encourages these genetic propensities. It does so by propagating "gender roles" - gender-specific lists of alleged traits, permissible behavior patterns, and prescriptive morals and norms. Our "gender identity" or "sex role" is shorthand for the way we make use of our natural genotypic-phenotypic endowments in conformity with social-cultural "gender roles". Inevitably as the composition and bias of these lists change, so does the meaning of being "male" or "female". Gender roles are constantly redefined by tectonic shifts in the definition and functioning of basic social units, such as the nuclear family and the workplace. The cross-fertilization of gender-related cultural memes renders "masculinity" and "femininity" fluid concepts. One's sex equals one's bodily equipment, an objective, finite, and, usually, immutable inventory. But our endowments can be put to many uses, in different cognitive and affective contexts, and subject to varying exegetic frameworks. As opposed to "sex" - "gender" is, therefore, a socio-cultural narrative. Both heterosexual and homosexual men ejaculate. Both straight and lesbian women climax. What distinguishes them from each other are subjective introjects of socio-cultural conventions, not objective, immutable "facts". In "The New Gender Wars", published in the November/December 2000 issue of "Psychology Today", Sarah Blustain sums up the "bio-social" model proposed by Mice Eagly, a professor of psychology at Northwestern University and a former student of his, Wendy Wood, now a professor at the Texas A&M University: "Like (the evolutionary psychologists), Eagly and Wood reject social constructionist notions that all gender differences are created by culture. But to the question of where they come from, they answer differently: not our genes but our roles in society. This narrative focuses on how societies respond to the basic biological differences - men's strength and women's reproductive capabilities - and how they encourage men and women to follow certain patterns. 'If you're spending a lot of time nursing your kid', explains Wood, 'then you don't have the opportunity to devote large amounts of time to developing specialized skills and engaging tasks outside of the home'. And, adds Eagly, 'if women are charged with caring for infants, what happens is that women are more nurturing. Societies have to make the adult system work [so] socialization of girls is arranged to give them experience in nurturing'. According to this interpretation, as the environment changes, so will the range and texture of gender differences. At a time in Western countries when female reproduction is extremely low, nursing is totally optional, childcare alternatives are many, and mechanization lessens the importance of male size and strength, women are no longer restricted as much by their smaller size and by child-bearing. That means, argue Eagly and Wood, that role structures for men and women will change and, not surprisingly, the way we socialize people in these new roles will change too. (Indeed, says Wood, 'sex differences seem to be reduced in societies where men and women have similar status,' she says. If you're looking to live in more gender-neutral environment, try Scandinavia.)"